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中国农民工政治参与研究

ISBN:978-7-5161-6149-4

出版日期:2015-05

页数:211

字数:200.0千字

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基金信息: 本书为国家社会科学基金青年项目“我国农民工政治参与研究”(08CZZ001)和黑龙江省社会科学院一般项目“中国转型时期的农民工政治参与”的成果,同时得到黑龙江省社会科学院行政学、政治学省级领军人才梯队的出版资助。 展开
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农民工的政治参与状况事关政治稳定与社会和谐,意义非凡。中国目前有2亿多农民工,这个群体是在改革开放的进程中渐趋壮大的。他们进城务工的历史进程,不仅仅是经济收入增长和视野开阔的历史,更是政治权利改善和利益表达渠道拓宽的历史。农民工作为日益成长的新兴社会阶层,对我国经济发展起到了巨大推动作用,已经成为城市和农村繁荣进步的中流砥柱。但是他们对中国公共生活的影响却远远不及,呈现出经济影响力与政治影响力的不平衡现象。农民工群体所享有的政治资源相当匮乏,他们的政治诉求无法及时有效地成为公共议题,更多的时候,只能通过表演性质的行动表达这个群体的利益诉求,从中展示作为“弱者的武器”的现实力量。实际上,政治话语权的缺乏是该群体在经济生活中价值创造与收益失衡的原因之一,其所谓的经济影响力也仅限于被动的推动着中国经济向前发展,并没有关涉自身福祉的话语权。具体到政治参与问题上,农民工群体长期游离于政治生活之外,实际是处于政治排斥状态之中,这对于农民工政治权利的保障、经济生活的改善、中国政治体制改革以及政治文明推进都具有阻碍作用。现代政治追求在共同体所有成员中实现权利的平等和利益的公平分配。从社会成员角度讲,农民工平等有效地参与政治生活不仅是改善和增进其经济生活的有效途径,也是对其政治地位与公民身份的应有肯定和尊重。从国家层面而言,长期无视某一社会群体的政治权益既不符合现代政治的基本价值理念,在现实中也不免承担不必要的政治风险。如果中国的2亿多农民工在政治领域出现集体失语,无疑将对和谐社会建设和正常的社会秩序形成潜在的巨大影响。农民工目前的政治参与状况处于比较特殊的境地,虽然制度内通道已经逐步形成,但农民工真正在制度内的政治参与比例不高。相反,党和政府政策法规禁止的非制度化参与案例却层出不穷。本书作者认为,农民工政治参与的制度环境划定了其政治参与的基本界限。农民工民主权利的真正享有、其政治参与的发展程度是和政治参与制度环境的健康发展息息相关的。在我国,由人民代表大会制度、民主协商制度、公共听证制度、信访制度、基层群众自治制度等构成的参与制度与农民工实际的政治参与过程不相适应,存在着制度空置的缺陷。制度内的政治参与渠道因其缺少保障机制而流于表面化。在今天这种以经济建设为核心的社会进程中,经济发展速度的提升是各级政府永恒不变的主题。只要不影响社会稳定和政治秩序,不发生大量农民工聚集式的群体性事件,政府不会关注保障农民工民主权利的表达和机制完善问题。这就造成了参与性制度虽然存在,并在宏观领域内为农民工政治参与撘建了平台,但却没能使大多数农民工在这种制度环境内自由平等地表达自己的利益诉求。本书作者通过实证研究和对问卷调查结果分析表明,从农民工的政治常识和政治态度方面讲,农民工对于国际国内的基本政治知识掌握相对缺乏,缺乏基本的政治素养训练,缺少知识与技能培训的平台。同时,农民工对于自身政治参与活动的价值认知相对模糊,政治关心呈现喜忧参半的特征,他们政治参与的效能感偏弱,对党和政府的政治信任度较高。也是研究制定农民工参与政治战略的关键所在。选举是农民工政治参与的重要方式之一。问卷调查结果表明,农民工选举型政治参与呈现流出地与流入地的双重边缘性。不参与选举的理由是:没机会、没资格、没时间、没经济实力、没兴趣,这些都使这个群体的选举权与被选举权等基本权利在无形中丧失。在农民工有限的政治参与行为中,政治参与的功利性、不均衡性,政治参与的强度不高等特点也比较明显。由于制度环境设计的农民工政治参与渠道受阻,他们又在现实生活中遇到需要利益表达进而影响政策过程及结果的强烈需求。这种政治参与需求与政治参与制度供给之间的错位,造成了农民工在体制外寻求出路的局面。在互联网时代,很多农民工善于利用日益完备的信息资源,敢于维护自身合法权益,更多的是以非制度化形式表达自己的利益诉求,进而影响政策出台的过程。在阶层利益冲突日益加剧的现实社会生活中,农民工权益遭受严重损害的事件比比皆是,影响社会稳定的农民工群体性事件频频发生就是一个明证。农民工非制度化政治参与也容易与违法犯罪的暴力活动相互关联与相互渗透,其对政治稳定和社会整合提出了新的挑战。农民工政治参与的发展程度及参与形式,一般受到国家的经济、政治、文化和社会发展水平及具体国情的制约。一般认为,政治参与的影响因素可以归纳为经济发展、政治文化、社会环境、政治机制、公民个体的行为偏好等方面。改革开放30多年来,在社会主义市场经济不断深化的背景之下,农民工不仅是经济活动的重要参与者,在政治领域中也迫切要求能够发挥其应有的作用。同时,随着我国农民工的整体文化水平不断提高,尤其是新生代农民工的出现,他们对政府各部门的职能、公共政策制定过程有了相当的了解,对自身拥有的权利和义务以及公民在国家政策制定活动中的地位和作用有了比较清晰的认识。农民工维护自身利益的意识增强。以农民工为主体的弱势群体是否能有效地参与公共生活,成为衡量现代社会民主化程度和水平的一项重要指标。从总体上看,伴随着我国社会政治经济的发展,农民工政治参与也进入了新的发展时期,有了参与的可能性和制度安排。制度机制、组织化程度、参与成本、参与主体的素质能力、政府作为情况等多种因素对农民工政治参与的指向产生了重大影响。农民工通过形式多样的政治参与,影响政府的政策过程,表达自身的政治权利愿望与要求,减少政府的政策失误,使政府运行整个过程与“公意”相一致。这有利于保持政治过程合法性和有序性。具体而言,这一方面有利于保障社会稳定和谐、保障公民权利的实现,另一方面又能提升农民工政治素质,促进我国的政治发展,还能推动我国公共决策民主化合法化过程,促进我国解决“三农”问题和推进依法治国进程。在如何有效解决农民工政治参与存在的问题方面,本书作者提出以下观点:一是要树立公民本位的精神,并从制度安排入手解决农民工的社会融入问题及政治参与问题,只有农民真正融入城市社会,农民工政治参与问题才具有解决的可能性空间。二是改革和创新农民工政治参与制度机制,拓展参与渠道。三是政府大力培育农民工社会组织的健康发展,提高农民工自组织能力,以实现社会公共领域中的协商民主,同时加强对农民工的素质教育,如文化教育、法律教育、政治技能教育、民主意识教育等,以增强农民工的政治素质和政治参与能力。作者高洪贵是我指导的博士生,他是黑龙江省社会科学院的副研究员。作为在职攻读博士学位的研究生,他品学兼优,为人真诚,勤奋好学,学风朴实,研究基础扎实,攻读博士期间就已发表近十篇相关成果,他的博士论文也收到了同行专家的好评。本书是他的第一本学术专著,是在他的博士论文基础上形成的。我对他的学术生涯抱有很高的期待,因此,我十分愿意为本书作序。同时,作者研究方向与我的研究领域比较接近,政治发展和公民政治参与密不可分,农民工政治参与对中国政治发展的影响已经显现,本书选题的理论价值和实践意义不言而喻。作者在广泛阅读了大量国内外相关文献的基础上,利用自身调研获得的第一手数据,初步构建了自己的理论构架,形成了一家之言,书中提出了很多独到见解。希望作者在今后的研究过程中,能够继续关注农民工政治参与问题,在本研究领域百尺竿头,更进一步。是为序。王彩波2014年7月15日于吉林大学

The political participation of migrant workers is of great significance because of political stability and social harmony. There are currently more than 200 million migrant workers in China, and this group has gradually grown in the process of reform and opening up. The historical process of their migration to cities to work is not only a history of economic income growth and broadening of horizons, but also a history of improving political rights and broadening channels for expressing interests. As a growing new social strata, peasant work has played a huge role in promoting China's economic development and has become the mainstay of urban and rural prosperity and progress. But their impact on China's public life falls far short, presenting an imbalance between economic and political influence. The political resources enjoyed by migrant workers are quite scarce, and their political demands cannot become public issues in a timely and effective manner, and more often, the interests of this group can only be expressed through performative actions, showing the real power of being a "weapon of the weak". In fact, the lack of political discourse power is one of the reasons for the imbalance between value creation and income in economic life, and its so-called economic influence is limited to passively promoting the development of China's economy, and has no discourse power related to its own well-being. Specific to the issue of political participation, migrant workers have long been separated from political life, and are actually in a state of political exclusion, which hinders the protection of migrant workers' political rights, the improvement of economic life, the reform of China's political system and the promotion of political civilization. Modern politics seeks equality of rights and a fair distribution of benefits among all members of the community. From the perspective of members of society, the equal and effective participation of migrant workers in political life is not only an effective way to improve and enhance their economic life, but also to affirm and respect their political status and citizenship. From the national level, long-term disregard for the political rights and interests of a certain social group is not in line with the basic values of modern politics, and it is inevitable to bear unnecessary political risks in reality. If China's more than 200 million migrant workers collectively lose their voice in the political field, it will undoubtedly have a potentially huge impact on the construction of a harmonious society and normal social order. The current political participation of migrant workers is in a relatively special situation, although the channels within the system have gradually formed, but the proportion of migrant workers' real political participation in the system is not high. On the contrary, there are many cases of non-institutionalized participation prohibited by Party and government policies and regulations. The author argues that the institutional environment for migrant workers' political participation delineates the basic boundaries of their political participation. The real enjoyment of the democratic rights of migrant workers and the degree of development of their political participation are closely related to the healthy development of the political participation institutional environment. In China, the participation system composed of the people's congress system, the democratic consultation system, the public hearing system, the petition system, and the grassroots mass autonomy system is incompatible with the actual political participation process of migrant workers, and there is a defect that the system is vacant. The channels of political participation within the system are superficial because of their lack of safeguards. In today's social process with economic construction as the core, the improvement of economic development speed is the eternal theme of governments at all levels. As long as social stability and political order are not affected, and a large number of mass incidents of migrant workers gathering do not occur, the government will not pay attention to the expression of democratic rights and the improvement of mechanisms to protect the democratic rights of migrant workers. As a result, although a participatory system exists and builds a platform for migrant workers' political participation in the macro field, it fails to enable most migrant workers to express their interests freely and equally in this institutional environment. Through empirical research and analysis of questionnaire survey results, the author of this book shows that in terms of political common sense and political attitude of migrant workers, migrant workers have a relatively lack of basic international and domestic political knowledge, lack basic political literacy training, and lack a platform for knowledge and skill training. At the same time, migrant workers' perception of the value of their own political participation activities is relatively vague, political concern is mixed, their sense of political participation is weak, and their political trust in the party and government is high. It is also the key to studying and formulating strategies for migrant workers' participation in politics. Elections are one of the important ways for migrant workers to participate in politics. The results of the questionnaire survey show that the electoral political participation of migrant workers shows the dual marginality of outflow and inflow. The reasons for not participating in elections are: no opportunity, no qualifications, no time, no economic strength, no interest, which makes this group's basic rights such as the right to vote and the right to be elected invisibly lost. Among the limited political participation of migrant workers, the utilitarian and unbalanced nature of political participation, and the low intensity of political participation are also obvious. Due to the obstruction of the political participation channels of migrant workers in the design of the institutional environment, they also encounter a strong need to express their interests in real life, which can affect the policy process and results. This misalignment between the demand for political participation and the supply of the political participation system has created a situation in which migrant workers seek a way out outside the system. In the Internet era, many migrant workers are good at using increasingly complete information resources, dare to protect their legitimate rights and interests, and express their interests in a non-institutionalized form, which in turn affects the process of policy introduction. In the real social life, where class interests are increasingly conflicting, there are many incidents in which the rights and interests of migrant workers have been seriously damaged, and the frequent occurrence of mass incidents of migrant workers that affect social stability is a clear proof of this. The non-institutionalized political participation of migrant workers is also easily related and infiltrated with violent activities of illegal and criminal activities, which poses new challenges to political stability and social integration. The degree of development and form of political participation of migrant workers are generally constrained by the country's economic, political, cultural and social development level and specific national conditions. It is generally believed that the influencing factors of political participation can be summarized into economic development, political culture, social environment, political mechanism, and the behavior preferences of individual citizens. Over the past 30 years of reform and opening up, under the background of the deepening of the socialist market economy, migrant workers are not only important participants in economic activities, but also urgently need to play their due role in the political field. At the same time, with the continuous improvement of the overall cultural level of migrant workers in China, especially the emergence of the new generation of migrant workers, they have a considerable understanding of the functions of various government departments and the process of making public policies, and have a relatively clear understanding of their own rights and obligations, as well as the status and role of citizens in national policy-making activities. Migrant workers' awareness of safeguarding their own interests has increased. Whether vulnerable groups, mainly migrant workers, can effectively participate in public life has become an important indicator to measure the degree and level of democratization in modern society. Generally speaking, along with the development of China's social, political and economic development, the political participation of migrant workers has also entered a new period of development, and there are possibilities and institutional arrangements for participation. Factors such as institutional mechanisms, degree of organization, cost of participation, quality and ability of participants, and government action have had a significant impact on the direction of migrant workers' political participation. Through various forms of political participation, migrant workers influence the government's policy process, express their political rights aspirations and demands, reduce the government's policy mistakes, and make the whole process of government operation consistent with "public will". This is conducive to maintaining the legitimacy and orderliness of the political process. Specifically, on the one hand, this is conducive to ensuring social stability and harmony and ensuring the realization of citizens' rights, on the other hand, it can improve the political quality of migrant workers, promote China's political development, promote the process of democratization and legalization of China's public decision-making, promote China's solution to the "three rural issues" and promote the process of governing the country according to law. In terms of how to effectively solve the problems existing in the political participation of migrant workers, the author of this book puts forward the following views: First, it is necessary to establish the spirit of citizenship, and start from the institutional arrangement to solve the problem of social integration and political participation of migrant workers. The second is to reform and innovate the system and mechanism for the political participation of migrant workers and expand the channels for participation. Third, the government vigorously cultivates the healthy development of migrant workers' social organizations, improves their self-organization ability, and realizes consultative democracy in the public sphere, while strengthening quality education for migrant workers, such as cultural education, legal education, political skills education, democratic awareness education, etc., so as to enhance the political quality and political participation ability of migrant workers. The author, Gao Honggui, is a doctoral student under my supervision, and he is an associate researcher at the Heilongjiang Academy of Social Sciences. As a part-time doctoral student, he is both excellent in character, sincere, diligent and studious, simple in his academic style, and has a solid research foundation, and has published nearly ten relevant results during his doctoral studies, and his doctoral dissertation has also received praise from peer experts. This book is his first academic monograph, based on his doctoral dissertation. I have high expectations for his academic career, so I would love to write the foreword to this book. At the same time, the author's research direction is relatively close to my research field, political development and civic political participation are inseparable, the impact of migrant workers' political participation on China's political development has been revealed, and the theoretical value and practical significance of the topics selected in this book are self-evident. On the basis of extensively reading a large number of relevant literature at home and abroad, the author used the first-hand data obtained from his own research to initially construct his own theoretical framework, forming a family statement, and putting forward many unique insights in the book. It is hoped that in the future research process, the author can continue to pay attention to the issue of migrant workers' political participation, and make further progress in this research field. is the order. Wang Caibo at Jilin University on July 15, 2014(AI翻译)

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GB/T 7714-2015 格式引文
高洪贵.中国农民工政治参与研究[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2015
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高洪贵.中国农民工政治参与研究.北京,中国社会科学出版社:2015E-book.
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高洪贵(2015).中国农民工政治参与研究.北京:中国社会科学出版社
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