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性别偏好与性别选择

Gender Preference and Sex Selection

ISBN:978-7-5161-7611-5

出版日期:2017-04

页数:291

字数:276.0千字

丛书名:《中国社会科学院国情调研丛书》

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少数民族出生人口性别比问题由于生育政策的特殊性和风俗习惯的特殊性而具有其独特的研究意义,本书把出生人口性别比升高作为生育转变中性别偏好转变为性别偏好行为的直接后果来看待,并分析部分民族的出生人口性别比升高的历史与现状,采用人类人口学方法,从马文哈里斯的文化唯物论的视角对村寨的性别偏好原因以及后果进行分析。

第一,运用孩次性别递进方法衡量不同民族的性别偏好,以及偏好对出生人口性别比提高造成的影响。同时利用中国的历史数据以及其他国家的数据,研究现代性别鉴定技术出现之前或在无比较严重性别偏好条件下孩次性别递进指标的分布规律。从美国的两次普查数据可以发现,美国的纯女户的性别比随孩次升高而降低,纯男户的性别比随孩次升高而升高,这与中国1990年和2000年的结果有非常大的差别,所以纯男户和纯女户孩次递进性别比的变化可以作为判断性别偏好行为严重程度的指示性指标。

第二,根据中国1982年人口普查资料运用母子匹配法构造不同年份妇女的生育孩次递进状态,发现汉族纯女户的孩次递进性别比是1980年开始上升的,而苗族受样本量影响,数据波动很大,但总体趋势是从1992年以后纯女户生育下一孩的性别比急剧上升,性别选择行为显现。

第三,女婴漏报是造成统计数据不实的原因之一,在出生人口性别比升高中起到了一定作用。通过对全国人口普查数据的分析发现,不同民族的低龄人口漏报确实存在,漏报、民族成分变更等因素造成一些民族的低龄人口数据质量存在性别差异,而且这一差异在不同民族间明显不同。

第四,对村级数据的核实结果显示,漏报受人口流动、出生时间、孩次、性别以及是否超生的影响。在乡镇一级,数据质量受不科学和不合理的计划生育考核指标的影响,基层干部在数据产生的机制上作文章,出生人口数据经过村级漏报、乡级的“加工”,真实的数据向计划生育考核指标靠拢,尤其是在出生人口性别比作为考核指标以后,导致性别统计数据失真。所以,出现出生性别比数据上的平衡是必然或无奈的选择。

第五,根据马文哈里斯的人类社会文化体系的各组成部分的相互关系分析生育转变与出生人口性别比提高之间的关系,得出:一方面,人口再生产与生产之间产生的矛盾,会迫使人口再生产的方式加以改变,降低出生率,不过这一过程是缓慢的,而计划生育政策推动了这一进程的加速,但这一加速转变过程并没有改变社会文化系统的其他部分来降低性别需求,反而因为生育数量限制加速了性别选择。另一方面,从基础结构决定论来看,受生产方式这一基础结构的限制,受地理位置偏僻、受教育水平较低及语言沟通不畅等影响,生计方式变化很小,家庭与文化中的性别需求缺少改变的契机。

第六,就家庭而言,在基础结构提供的资源有限的条件下,性别偏好的形成有其必然性。苗族典型的父系财产继承保证了家族内的财产在自己的房族内流转,而不会被外嫁的女儿带到丈夫的家族内;无亲子的财产继承,在习俗上也是在父系宗族中确立继承人。作为女儿,在以家族为单位的家庭中,父母以嫁妆的形式使她参与了家庭的财产继承,在父母去世后以抬猪、送水来完成孝道。而在现实生活中,其与娘家的日常交往是以“客”的身份出现的,无法参与父母的养老。因此,“守屋”、继承、养老都对儿子产生了需求,同时家族继承的负面影响也刺激了这种对男性的性别偏好。

第七,与社会的人口再生产相对应,家庭也同样存在着人口再生产,而这种再生产有其性别结构,在生育转变之前是通过多生来保证生育儿子,但在生育转变发生以后,保证有一个儿子出生是满足家庭再生产正常进行的前提条件。在资源有限的前提下,一儿一女、保证儿子是家庭规模简单再生产的前提条件,也满足了家庭中继承、养老等需求,实现世代继替。而通过人为选择改变自然生育状况,势必会改变自然规律,改变出生人口性别比的自然分布,使性别偏好转化为性别选择行为,进而导致宏观的出生性别比偏高。

第八,文化和经济上对男孩的需求使那些没有儿子或者是极有可能没有儿子的家庭想尽各种办法要得到一个儿子,如B超选择性流产、产后性别选择,同时逃避计划生育手术等,并通过“架桥”“背孩子”等使性别选择在伦理上合法化。

第九,治理出生人口性别比在实践上存在一定困难。从M寨来看,治理出生人口性别比的各项措施,利益导向机制的刺激作用对依靠子女养老的当地村民还是有一定效果的。解决养老问题、改善双女户的生活,这既是对计划生育户的直接帮助,也可以起到一种示范作用。而提高住院分娩率在当地的自有医疗体系和观念下还需要在经济上和观念上进行考虑才有可能实施,进而才能降低溺弃婴的比例。而已经显现的男性择偶难引起当地村民的重视,期望在未来能够对改善性别偏好发挥作用。通过城市化把寨子中的人从熟人社会和现有的继承体系中解放出来,就目前来说,还存在一定的困难。

This book treats the increase in sex ratio at birth as a direct consequence of the change of sex preference to gender preference in the transition of fertility, and analyzes the history and current situation of the increase of sex ratio at birth of some ethnic groups, and analyzes the causes and consequences of gender preference in villages from the perspective of Marvin Harris cultural materialism using human demographic methods. First, the method of child sex progression is used to measure the gender preference of different ethnic groups and the impact of preference on the increase of sex ratio at birth. At the same time, using historical data from China and data from other countries, the distribution of children's sex progression indicators before the advent of modern sex identification technology or under the condition of no more serious sex preference was studied. From the two census data in the United States, it can be found that the sex ratio of pure female households in the United States decreases with the increase of children, and the sex ratio of pure male households increases with the increase of children, which is very different from the results of China in 1990 and 2000, so the change in the progressive sex ratio of children of pure male households and pure female households can be used as an indicator to judge the severity of gender preference behavior. Second, according to the data of China's 1982 census, the mother-child matching method was used to construct the progression of children of women in different years, and it was found that the progressive sex ratio of children in Han pure female households began to increase in 1980, while the Miao people fluctuated greatly due to the sample size, but the overall trend was a sharp increase in the sex ratio of pure female households giving birth to one child after 1992, and sex selection behavior appeared. Third, the underreporting of female infants is one of the reasons for the false statistics, which plays a role in the increase in the sex ratio at birth. Through the analysis of the national census data, it is found that there is indeed a gender difference in the quality of the data of the young population of some ethnic groups, and this difference is obviously different among different ethnic groups. Fourth, verification of village-level data shows that underreporting is influenced by population movements, birth time, number of children, sex and whether there are overbirths. At the township level, the quality of data is affected by unscientific and unreasonable family planning assessment indicators, grassroots cadres make a fuss about the mechanism of data generation, the birth population data is underreported at the village level and "processed" at the township level, and the real data is closer to the family planning assessment indicators, especially after the sex ratio of the birth population is used as an assessment index, resulting in the distortion of gender statistics. Therefore, the emergence of a balance in the data of the birth sex ratio is an inevitable or helpless choice. Fifth, according to the analysis of the relationship between the components of Marvin Harris's human social and cultural system and the increase in the sex ratio at birth, it is concluded that: on the one hand, the contradiction between population reproduction and production will force the way of population reproduction to change and reduce the birth rate, but this process is slow, and the family planning policy promotes the acceleration of this process, but this accelerated transformation process does not change other parts of the social and cultural system to reduce gender demand. Instead, sex selection is accelerated by the limitation of the number of births. On the other hand, from the perspective of infrastructure determinism, due to the basic infrastructure of production mode, geographical isolation, low level of education and poor language communication, there is little change in livelihood patterns, and there is no opportunity to change the gender needs of families and cultures. Sixth, in the case of families, the formation of gender preferences is inevitable in the context of limited resources provided by the infrastructure. The typical patrilineal inheritance of the Miao ensures that the property within the family circulates within the family, and is not brought into the husband's family by the daughter who marries outside; Inheritance without paternity is customarily established in the patrilineal line. As a daughter, in a family unit, her parents involved her in the inheritance of the family's property in the form of a dowry, and after the death of her parents, she carried pigs and delivered water to complete filial piety. In real life, his daily interaction with his mother's family appears as a "guest" and cannot participate in the pension of his parents. Therefore, "house keeping", inheritance, and pension all create a demand for sons, and the negative impact of family inheritance also stimulates this gender preference for men. Seventh, corresponding to the population reproduction of society, the family also has population reproduction, and this reproduction has its gender structure, before the birth change is through multiple births to ensure the birth of sons, but after the birth of the transformation, ensuring the birth of a son is a prerequisite for the normal progress of family reproduction. Under the premise of limited resources, one son and one daughter and ensuring that the son is a prerequisite for simple reproduction of family size, and also meets the needs of inheritance and pension in the family, so as to achieve generational succession. Changing the natural fertility status through artificial selection is bound to change the natural law, change the natural distribution of the sex ratio of the birth population, and transform the gender preference into sex selection behavior, which in turn leads to a macro high sex ratio at birth. Eighth, the cultural and economic demand for boys has led families who have no sons or are very likely to have no sons to try various ways to obtain a son, such as ultra-selective abortion, postpartum sex selection, while avoiding family planning surgery, etc., and to ethically legitimize sex selection by "building bridges" and "carrying children". Ninth, there are certain difficulties in controlling the sex ratio at birth. From the perspective of M village, the measures to control the sex ratio at birth and the stimulating effect of the interest-oriented mechanism still have a certain effect on local villagers who rely on their children for the elderly. Solving the problem of old-age care and improving the lives of two-woman households is not only a direct help to family planning households, but also a demonstration role. Increasing the rate of hospital deliveries needs to be implemented economically and conceptually in the local health system and mindset, so as to reduce the rate of infant drowning. The male choice of mate has become difficult to attract the attention of local villagers, and it is expected that it will play a role in improving gender preference in the future. For now, there are certain difficulties in liberating the people in the village from the society of acquaintances and the existing inheritance system through urbanization.(AI翻译)

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引文

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GB/T 7714-2015 格式引文
张丽萍.性别偏好与性别选择[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2017
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MLA 格式引文
张丽萍.性别偏好与性别选择.北京,中国社会科学出版社:2017E-book.
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张丽萍(2017).性别偏好与性别选择.北京:中国社会科学出版社
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