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中国的城市化与区域协调发展:基于生产和人口空间分布的视角

ISBN:978-7-5004-9017-3

出版日期:2010-07

页数:259

字数:262.0千字

丛书名:《新型工业化道路与产业结构优化升级研究丛书》

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基金信息: 国家社科基金项目研究成果(06BJL057);华中科技大学文科著作出版基金资助 展开
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图书简介

在整个2008年5—9月,笔者不顾武汉的酷热,日夜工作,撰写笔者主持的国家社科基金项目的研究报告。终于在2008年10月前向社科规划办提交了本书的初稿——近30万字的项目研究总报告。之后,笔者大病一场,至今未能完全康复。到2009年6月,笔者收到了社科规划办组织的项目评审专家的匿名评审意见,根据专家的修改意见,笔者对研究报告进行了第一次修改以便出版。由于社科基金尾款不足支付出版费用,笔者于2009年11月申请了华中科技大学文科著作出版资助,再次接受我校文科处组织的专家匿名评审,专家评审意见转到笔者手中后,笔者根据专家评审意见对书稿进行了再次较大的修改。关于本书的创新点和研究特色,本书的导论和结论部分已经阐述,在此,笔者想要说明的是一些学者对本书观点可能存在的一些异议。过度集中问题是本书研究的一个重点,一些学者认为,市场机制可以使城市找到其最优规模,因此政府不应干预大城市的扩张。在政策层面,一些学者认为,应该充分利用上海、北京等东部大城市的聚集经济,提高产业竞争力,并通过人口向东部大城市的转移实现城市化。这些看似有理的观点实际上存在一个很大的理论漏洞。笔者认为,该理论漏洞正是本书的一个重要理论发现:聚集经济和聚集不经济承受者的非匹配性。传统的城市经济学理论认为,城市有效规模反映了生产和人口集中所产生的更高生产效率和更高生活成本之间的一种平衡关系,随着城市规模的增加,聚集经济呈“S”形曲线变化,聚集不经济呈“U”形曲线变化,聚集经济和聚集不经济相等时的城市规模为城市最优规模。按此理论观点,似乎市场机制可以使城市找到其最优规模。但是,聚集经济(主要指生产效率)的主要承受者是厂商,而聚集不经济(主要包括住房和交通成本)的主要承受者是工人和消费者,在许多现实情形下(如就业形势严峻的情况下),工人并不能将聚集不经济通过工资谈判转嫁给厂商,厂商可以无视大城市的聚集不经济持续向大城市投资,这就必然造成过度集中。“过度集中的标准是什么?上海、北京等大城市的过度集中是否意味着把这些城市的制造业向第三产业的转换?”本书对这些问题进行了初步的回答,尽管这些问题还有待更深入的研究。首先,过度集中的标志主要是过高的住房、交通成本,其判断标准是资源的空间合理配置,这一标准并不简单直接,但在一定条件下可以通过比较大、小城市工人考虑生活成本的真实收入来判断。一个大城市的过度集中并不一定意味着该城市的制造业向第三产业的转换,而是所有产业向其他城市以及中、小城市的分散或对进一步投资的控制。在过度集中理论研究基础上,本书研究了我国农村剩余劳动力存在形式、农民工市民化、多中心大都市区的形成、国家产业中心的布局等问题。本书是张建华教授主持的“新型工业化道路与产业结构优化升级”研究丛书的一部。资源环境的现实约束和国际产业竞争的现实背景要求中国的城市化和区域协调发展不能走发达国家过去走过的工业化道路,必须走新型工业化的道路,也只有在产业结构优化升级的过程中才能实现,而中国的产业结构优化升级和新型工业化也必须在城市化和区域协调发展的基础上才算得上真正完成。如果仅仅是东部地区或某些大城市实现了新型工业化和产业结构优化,而广大中西部地区仍然处于落后的产业结构和落后的工业化阶段,那么我们国家就不能算是真正实现了新型工业化和产业结构优化。因此,中国的新型工业化道路和产业结构优化升级与中国的城市化和区域协调发展是相辅相成的,具有内在的一致性。如果我们要实现区域协调发展,如果我们要实现东部城市和中西部城市的协调发展,本书第三章认为,仅靠市场的力量是无法实现的,其主要原因是聚集经济和聚集不经济承受者的非匹配性,市场无法将聚集经济和聚集不经济自动匹配起来,东部城市绝大多数产业的竞争力超过了中西部城市的产业竞争力,因此,本书第八章和第九章认为,必须采取倾斜性政策打造中西部明星城市,必须面向未来空缺定位,选择朝阳产业作为中西部城市的主导产业,实现我国产业结构的空间优化。如果只是将东部城市落后的产业向中西部城市转移,区域协调发展可能永远无法实现。愿本书对我国生产和人口合理布局、区域直辖市发展和城市化的健康推进有所贡献!范红忠2010年3月28日于华中科技大学经济学院大楼336室

Throughout May to September 2008, the author worked day and night despite the scorching heat in Wuhan to write the research report of the National Social Science Fund project that the author presided. Finally, by October 2008, the first draft of the book - a total report of nearly 300,000 words of project research - was submitted to the Social Science Planning Office. After that, the author fell seriously ill and has not fully recovered. By June 2009, the author received anonymous comments from the project review experts organized by the Social Science Planning Office, and based on the experts' revisions, the author made the first revision of the research report for publication. Due to the insufficient final payment of the social science fund to cover the publication expenses, the author applied for the Huazhong University of Science and Technology Liberal Arts Publication Grant in November 2009, and again accepted the anonymous review organized by the Department of Liberal Arts and Sciences of our university. Regarding the innovation and research features of this book, the introduction and conclusion of this book have been explained, and here I would like to explain that some scholars may have some objections to the views of this book. The issue of overconcentration is a focus of this book's research, and some scholars argue that market mechanisms can allow cities to find their optimal size, and therefore the government should not interfere with the expansion of large cities. At the policy level, some scholars believe that we should make full use of the agglomeration economy of large eastern cities such as Shanghai and Beijing to improve industrial competitiveness and achieve urbanization through the transfer of population to large eastern cities. These seemingly plausible ideas actually have a big theoretical loophole. The author believes that this theoretical loophole is an important theoretical finding of this book: the non-matching nature of aggregating economies and aggregating uneconomic bearers. Traditional urban economics theory believes that the effective size of the city reflects a balance between higher production efficiency and higher cost of living generated by production and population concentration, with the increase of city size, the agglomeration economy changes in an "S" curve, the agglomeration economy changes in a "U" curve, and the city size when the agglomeration economy and the agglomeration diseconomy are equal is the optimal size of the city. According to this theoretical view, it seems that market mechanisms can enable cities to find their optimal size. However, the main bearer of the agglomeration economy (mainly refers to production efficiency) is the manufacturer, and the main bearer of the agglomeration economy (mainly including housing and transportation costs) is workers and consumers, in many realistic situations (such as the severe employment situation), workers can not pass the agglomeration economy to the manufacturer through wage negotiations, manufacturers can ignore the agglomeration diseconomy of the big city and continue to invest in the big city, which will inevitably lead to excessive concentration. "What is the criterion for excessive concentration? Does the excessive concentration of large cities such as Shanghai and Beijing mean a shift from manufacturing to tertiary industries in these cities? This book provides preliminary answers to these questions, although they need to be studied in more depth. First of all, the sign of excessive concentration is mainly excessive housing and transportation costs, and its judgment standard is the reasonable allocation of resources, which is not simple and direct, but under certain conditions, it can be judged by comparing the real income of large and small urban workers considering the cost of living. The excessive concentration of a large city does not necessarily mean the transformation of the city's manufacturing industry to the tertiary industry, but the decentralization of all industries to other cities and small and medium-sized cities or the control of further investment. On the basis of the theoretical research of excessive concentration, this book studies the existence of rural surplus labor in China, the urbanization of migrant workers, the formation of polycentric metropolitan areas, and the layout of national industrial centers. This book is part of the research series "New Industrialization Road and Industrial Structure Optimization and Upgrading" chaired by Professor Zhang Jianhua. The actual constraints of resources and environment and the actual background of international industrial competition require that China's urbanization and coordinated regional development cannot follow the industrialization road that developed countries have taken in the past, but must take the road of new industrialization, and can only be realized in the process of industrial structure optimization and upgrading, and China's industrial structure optimization and upgrading and new industrialization must also be truly completed on the basis of urbanization and coordinated regional development. If only the eastern region or some large cities have achieved new-type industrialization and industrial structure optimization, while the vast central and western regions are still in the backward industrial structure and backward industrialization stage, then our country cannot be regarded as truly realizing new-type industrialization and industrial structure optimization. Therefore, China's new industrialization path and industrial structure optimization and upgrading are complementary and inherently consistent with China's urbanization and coordinated regional development. If we want to achieve coordinated regional development, if we want to achieve the coordinated development of eastern cities and central and western cities, the third chapter of this book believes that market forces alone cannot be achieved, the main reason is the non-matching nature of agglomeration economy and agglomeration of uneconomic bearers, the market cannot automatically match the agglomeration economy and agglomeration diseconomy, the competitiveness of the vast majority of industries in eastern cities exceeds the industrial competitiveness of central and western cities, therefore, chapters 8 and 9 of this book believe, We must adopt a tilted policy to build a star city in the central and western regions, and we must face the future vacancy positioning, choose the sunrise industry as the leading industry of the central and western cities, and realize the spatial optimization of China's industrial structure. If only the backward industries in the eastern cities are transferred to the central and western cities, coordinated regional development may never be achieved. May this book contribute to the rational distribution of China's production and population, the development of regional municipalities and the healthy promotion of urbanization! Fan Hongzhong at Room 336, School of Economics, Huazhong University of Science and Technology, March 28, 2010(AI翻译)

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GB/T 7714-2015 格式引文
范红忠.中国的城市化与区域协调发展:基于生产和人口空间分布的视角[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2010
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MLA 格式引文
范红忠.中国的城市化与区域协调发展:基于生产和人口空间分布的视角.北京,中国社会科学出版社:2010E-book.
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APA 格式引文
范红忠(2010).中国的城市化与区域协调发展:基于生产和人口空间分布的视角.北京:中国社会科学出版社
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